Why are UK supermarkets rationing cooking oil?

Tom Parfitt·SEO Editor
Tue, April 26, 2022, 6:33 PM·3 min read

Watch: Supermarkets across UK limit cooking oil purchases
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The UK is facing a shortage of cooking oil due to the war in Ukraine, which has sparked a surge in prices and led some supermarkets to ration supplies.

Tesco, Morrisons, Iceland and Waitrose are among the retailers to have introduced limits on how much cooking oil customers can buy.

The lack of supplies has made crisps, chips and cereal bars more expensive, in another blow to UK shoppers struggling with the cost-of-living crisis.

Here is everything you need to know about the shortages.
Why is there a shortage of cooking oil?

Most of the UK’s sunflower oil comes from Ukraine, so the war with Russia has caused major disruption to exports of the product.

Ukraine is the world’s largest exporter of sunflower oil.

This has led to rising demand for alternatives, including olive and rapeseed oils.

Recent data showed cooking oil was one of a range of food staples to have its price shoot up.

Read more: UK households face £271 rise in food bills

The price of cooking oils and fats went up 7% and is nearly a quarter more expensive than a year ago, the Office for National Statistics said on April 13.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine is also threatening the food supply and livelihoods of people in mainland Europe, Africa and Asia.
Which supermarkets are rationing supplies?

Tesco has introduced a “temporary buying limit” of three items of cooking oil per customer. Waitrose and Morrisons have placed limits of two items each, while Iceland is allowing just one item per shopper.

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Sainsbury’s and Asda are not currently rationing supplies.

Tom Holder, a spokesperson for the British Retail Consortium, said the restrictions were a “temporary measure to ensure availability for everyone”.
Cooking oil on shelves in a Tesco store in Ashford, Surrey. Supermarkets across the UK have placed limits on how much cooking oil customers can buy due to supply-chain problems caused by Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Picture date: Saturday April 23, 2022. (Photo by Steve Parsons/PA Images via Getty Images)
Cooking oil shortage: Most of the UK’s sunflower oil comes from Ukraine. (PA)

He added: “Where sunflower oil exists as an ingredient in products, retailers will be substituting it with other safe oils, such as rapeseed oil.

“Retailers are also working with suppliers to ramp up production of alternative cooking oils, to minimise the impact on consumers.”

But grocery expert Ged Futter told the BBC that sunflower oil may soon be unavailable on supermarket shelves.

He said: “These limits may delay things a bit, but in a couple of months, there won’t be any sunflower oil available to buy.”
What have the supermarkets said?

Iceland’s managing director Richard Walker confirmed the supermarket was “limiting purchases”, but said the rush for cooking oil was “not as frenzied” as the panic-buying seen during the 2020 COVID lockdown.

Tesco said in a statement: “We have good availability of cooking oils in stores and online. If a customer is unable to find their preferred oil, we have plenty of alternatives to choose from.

“To make sure all of our customers can continue to get what they need, we’ve introduced a temporary buying limit of three items per customer on products from our cooking oil range.”

Waitrose said it was “closely monitoring the situation and working with our suppliers to ensure customers continue to have a choice of cooking oils”.

Sainsbury’s said it was “are working closely with our suppliers to make sure customers continue to have cooking oils to choose from”.

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Jan. 6 committee’s concerns about Insurrection Act should concern the rest of us

We should always take note when Congress discovers that a long-standing law doesn’t address our current reality. But when those members of Congress happen to be sitting on the select committee investigating the Jan. 6, 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol and they are privy to a mountain of evidence related to the planning and execution of a purported plot to overturn a presidential election, they should have our undivided attention.

We have definitions of insurrection. We even have a law against it. What we don’t seem to have are carefully defined presidential parameters.

According to an April 19 report in The New York Times, that committee is considering whether the 1807 Insurrection Act needs revision. That act empowers the president to domestically deploy our armed forces, including the National Guard and active-duty military, to stop a rebellion or uprising against the government. If the committee sees a need to change a law that provides absolute power to a president, it’s likely that they’re seeing evidence that a president – in this case former President Donald Trump — came close to abusing that power.

We have definitions of insurrection. We even have a law against it. What we don’t seem to have, and what the committee seems focused on, is carefully defined presidential parameters to deal with it. Since that January 6, the word “insurrection” has been used by some – in my opinion correctly – to describe what happened at the Capitol that day. Black’s Law Dictionary defines insurrection as: “A rebellionor rising of citizens or subjects in resistance to their government. Insurrection consists in any combined resistance to the lawful authority of the state, with intent to cause the denial thereof, when the same is manifested, or intended to be manifested, by acts of violence.” Federal law makes insurrection punishable by a fine and up to ten years in prison. Yet, according to The New York Times report, it’s not the law against insurrection with which the committee finds issue; it’s the part of the law that permits a president to unilaterally proclaim that an insurrection is active and to use troops to quash whatever he thinks fits the bill.

There may be no greater presidential power than the authority to send our troops into battle. That authority is even weightier if the battle will be against us, on our own soil. In fact, there’s a law, the Posse Comitatus Act, that prohibits federal military forces from actively engaging in civilian law enforcement without congressional or constitutional authority. But the major exception to that rule is the Insurrection Act. That’s why we need to ensure that act is never misused by a president.

Trump threatened to invoke the Insurrection Act following the nationwide and sometimes violent protests that erupted after a Minneapolis police officer murdered George Floyd. Trump’s idea was successfully rejected by then Defense Secretary Mark Esper. The Insurrection Act came up again as Trump desperately considered options that would help him overturn Joe Biden’s victory over Trump in the 2020 election. The Times reports that Trump advisors, including former National Security Advisor Mike Flynn, and Roger Stone, suggested that martial law be declared or that the military be used to seize voting machines and “rerun” the election.

There are at least three possible solutions to checking a president intent on abusing his Insurrection Act power.

If the select committee looking into the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol is reconsidering the Insurrection Act, its members may have seen some evidence that either Trump was close to inappropriately invoking the act, or that invoking the act was part of a proposed plan to unlawfully overturn the election – or both. Per the New York Times reporting, it’s more than one committee member that feels this way. Representative Zoe Lofgren, D-Calif., and a member that committee, said, “There are many of us who are of the view that the Insurrection Act, which the former president threatened to invoke multiple times throughout 2020, bears a review.”

There are at least three possible solutions to checking a president intent on abusing his Insurrection Act power. Any one of these suggestions would provide greater parameters than the total lack of restraint that currently exists, and none would prevent a president from quickly moving to deal with a rapidly developing domestic rebellion against the government.
More from MSNBC Daily

First, the Insurrection Act should be amended to include some element of congressional oversight. When it comes to committing troops to combat on foreign soil, the War Powers Act puts restraints on a president in the form of congressional notification and authorization requirements. Specifically, the War Powers Act requires that Congress be notified within 48 hours of U.S. troops being introduced into foreign hostilities and mandates use of those troops end within 60 days unless Congress declares war or authorizes continuance. For a domestic deployment of U.S. forces, a president should be required to notify Congress within 24 hours, and that deployment should end in 48 hours without congressional authorization.
Pentagon not clear on Trump threat to use military on Americans
June 2, 202004:58

Second, in anticipation of a scenario such as the alleged discussions of the U.S. military seizing voting machines, where 48 hours would be just enough time for a president to complete a coup, the consent of one or more other executive branch members should be required. The mere idea that other high-ranking officials would have to sign off on an invocation of the Insurrection Act could have a chilling effect on a president considering an anti-democratic plot. For example, then Vice President Mike Pence refused to succumb to intense pressure from those demanding that he refuse to ratify the 2020 Electoral College vote. Then Attorney General William Barr eventually resigned when Trump insisted he find election fraud that didn’t exist. In fact, the attorney general should provide a Department of Justice opinion that the proposed insurrection invocation and troop deployment must not violate exercise of civil rights, as happened in 2020 after Floyd’s murder when the National Guard was deployed in response to the peaceful protests in Lafayette Square in Washington.

Third, a president’s signature on an Insurrection Act declaration should trigger automatic judicial review. As Kelly Magsamen of the Center for American Progress proposes in an excellent primer on changing the act, such a judicial review is especially necessary if the military is used to spy on or surveil Americans.

Rep. Adam Kinzinger, R-Ill, a member of the Select Committee, characterized the January 6 attack on our democracy as a “dry run” – implying it could happen again – perhaps successfully. It will happen again – unless we put mechanisms in place to constrain a corrupt president from exploiting the absolute power presently conveyed by the Insurrection Act. That change needs to happen now – before yet another authoritarian – or even the same one – tries another Jan. 6 and succeeds.

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William Husel, Ohio doctor accused in 14 high-dose fentanyl deaths, acquitted of murder

A former Ohio doctor was acquitted of murder Wednesday after he was accused of hastening the deaths of 14 critically ill patients by ordering large doses of the powerful painkiller fentanyl.

William Husel faced one count of murder for each patient. He was found not guilty on all counts.

Upon Franklin County Common Pleas Court Judge Michael Holbrook reading the verdict, Husel hugged one of his attorneys, Diane Menashe, who wiped away tears.

In a statement, Franklin County prosecutors said the case against Husel, 46, was “carefully tried and prepared” and that they accepted the jury’s decision.

Jurors deliberated over seven days in a trial that lasted about two months. It was one of the biggest cases of its kind against a health care professional in the U.S., tying together themes of medical treatment and ethics and what amount of opioids is suitable in end-of-life comfort care.

Husel, whose medical license was suspended in January 2019, faced life in prison with no chance of parole for 15 years if he were found guilty of even one count of murder. The jury was also allowed to consider a lesser charge of attempted murder, which carries a sentence of several years in prison.

Jurors had to weigh whether Husel was acting as permitted under Ohio law when, prosecutors say, he ordered 10 times the amount of fentanyl that expert witnesses said was the norm in nonsurgical settings. Most of the ICU patients who received 1,000 micrograms of fentanyl were in their 70s and 80s and needed help breathing on ventilators, although a few were as young as their late 30s.

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